Monday, October 13, 2008

Language and Politics in Italy

This weekend, I read a paper entitled Language and Politics in Italy: from Moro to Berlusconi by Osvaldo Croci. I was originally looking for articles about media ownership and how that affects bias, and then I thought of Berlusconi, Italy's billionaire Prime Minister whose share of media outlets accounts for a large chunk of the Italian market (nearly half, per Wikipedia). He is constantly criticized for using his media influence for political aims, and I wanted to study bias between reports in outlets he owns and those he doesn't. I did find an intriguing article about Italian newspaper readership and media ownership, but it was in German, so after the first 2 pages I gave up and searched for something else.

And I found this really interesting article, as I mentioned, and it talked about the change in the way Italian politicians are using language. It posits a connection between Italy's political climate (well, “electoral volatility”) and politicians' use of language over the past 50 years or so.

It begins with Moro and the birth of politichese, or morotese, the Italian political language characterized by contradiction and syntactic complexity, which obscure the speaker's meaning. The speaker blunts every affirmative statement by repeatedly qualifying it. Politichese also emphasizes abstruse vocabulary. Croci talks about the relationships created in a politichese speech. Politicians in the 1950s and 1960s worked in broad coalitions, parties brought together by political exigency but with very different aims. [Specifically, the Socialist party PSI entered into a coalition with the Republican and Social Democratic parties in what was termed aperture a sinistra – opening to the Left.]

The language Moro used reflected his precarious situation and was, the author argues, “necessary for the functioning of the Italian political regime of which it was an integral part.” “Morotese allowed him to reconcile the diffent factions within the party, by paying homage to their different views in one subordinate clause or another.” (352)

The style of language also reflected a distance between the electorate and the regime. The government aimed for “limited and controlled mass political participation.” (353) Politichese made the government seem inaccessible to the everyman, a difficult game to play. Croci says that “for this reason, politichese, much like Latin in church services, could be regarded as a sort of esoteric tool capable of performing miracles, since it cold transform what was presented as dangerous political foes one day into trustworthy parliamentary allies another day.” (353)

So this tool helped the Italian government remain stable for a number of years, but in the late 1970s, economic crisis brought dissatisfaction within the government and in the electorate, and the tricky cohesion that had existed quickly disintegrated.

So then this other style of political language arose in the new political environment, one characterized by “clarity, simplicity, and spontaneity.” It originated in the 1980s with the Lega (Lega Nord?) (354), and in the Berlusconi age, it has saturated Italian politics.

Berlusconi’s politics is a lot more like advertising—and a lot closer to the U.S. political style. I found it funny that the author (an Italian who teaches at a Canadian university) said that “if the transition to a genuine two-party system does take place and electoral volatility remains relatively high, then gentese will take root and the language of Italian politics might come to resemble more and more that of American politics, a language that most Italians regard as too simplistic to take very seriously.” (365)

Croci characterizes gentese as “a loss of ideological identity.” While Berlusconi denounces his opponents as illiberale, he rarely identifies what liberale would be. Similarly vague are the cose buone he promises to his followers. He analogizes politics to religion (he took the “chalice” when he joined politics, his promises use religion language “io vi dico”), sports (“taking the field”), famously advertised products (article mentions “Del Monte”, use of superlatives), and medicine (himself as a “cure”). His vague and abstract language energizes the public and encourages electorate participation, but it either fails to specify policies or it characterizes them euphemistically/inaccurately.

Wednesday, October 8, 2008

When will I learn that less is more?

Information about the founding of Reuters, the principles they stand for, the role of the trustees, etc.
http://www.thomsonreuters.com/content/PDF/corporate/01692_A5_Founders_Share_Sin1.pdf

Also the original Wall Street Times interview with Zardari:
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB122307507392703831.html

More on Zardari/Kashmir from an Indian Perspective

Here's the Times of India... an editorial on the same theme I mentioned in the previous post (the really long post hehe)

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Editorial/Change_the_Game/articleshow/3567520.cms

The first paragraph establishes what relations between Pakistan and India have been -- strained at best, and the blame falls on Pakistan (it's not a real democracy, the military's too powerful, it views India as an existential threat). The underlying message is that India has been the principled one of the two. And the second paragraph starts "But," a very important signal word. The author applauds Zardari's statement against the Kashmir terrorists and hopes that this will "change the game."

"It’s high time, therefore, to put the past behind us and India-Pakistan relations on a new footing." He says Zardari has strong national support and his position is best for economic growth. Eh, I don't have time to go through a whole analysis.

Notes on Fairclough

I'm so lost with the Fairclough bit that I'm typing up my notes on it:

-Theme: power of mass media
framework for analysing media language, important element in social/cultural change
"public affairs media" news, documentary, politics, social affairs, science, etc.

Example 1.
Authoritativeness: categorical statements, reporter projected as figure of authority, who knows and has right to tell (image)
Media artist entertaining consumer, rhetorical attention-grabbing features
Representation: include/exclude, foreground/background
What are they getting at? sensationalistic, sense of alarm

1. How is the world represented?
2. What identities are set up? (reporter, audience, third parties)
3. What relationships are set up?

Example 2. (6-7)
words and filmed reconstruction, borderline info/entertainment, fact/fiction
images primacy over words (see before hear description)
apparent inconsistencies, responsibility mitigated in text (event clauses separated by background explanatory clauses)

Example 3. (8-9) complex images, music, sound, superimosed; unusual, more entertaining than not; no specialist vocab
tension between public and private (science technology part of public life, broadcasts consumed in home)

Example 4 (9-10) conversationalization, presenter an "ordinary bloke", colloquial vocab

Tensions: information/entertainment
public/private
tendencies: conversationalization increase (relationship to ordinary life)
marketization increase --- pressure to entertain to survive commercially (relationship to business/commerce)

Media ideology (p12 and following). "Ideologies are propositions that generally figure as implicit assumptions in texts, which contribute to producing or reproducing unequal relations of power" (14) -- text a good thing to analyze, "tensions and contradicitons manifest in the heterogeneity of teual meanings and forms" (15)

do conversationalized discourse practices manifest shift in power relationships in favor of ordinary ppl? (no) strategy recruit as audience and manipulate
*but no can't be dismissed as ideological (science, democratizing technology)

Language analysis "can help anchor social and cultural research and analysis in a detailed understanding of the nature of media output" 16
analyze as discourse
-discourse practices: "the ways in which texts are produced by media workers in media institutions, and the ways in which tests are received by audiences, as well as how media tests are socially distributed" 16 [situational, institutional, societal levels]
-sociocultural practices
discourse anallysis can be understood as "an attempt to show systematic links between texts, discourse practices, and sociocultural practices" 17
text "both spoken and written language"
-multifunctional/systemic view: ideational, interpersonal, and textual functions (halliday)
ideational "generating representations of world"
interpersonal "relations and identities"

Representations: bias, manipulation, and ideology, but identities and relations receive less attn
Texts as options, forms, choices of meaning, how to relate, what identities, etc.
discourse=both social interaction (interpersonal) and "social construction of reality" (ideational)

Ch 6 media texts "constitute versions of reality in ways which depend on the social positions and interests and objectives of those who produce them" -- through choices!!!
1. how events and relationships and situations are represented -- clauses/propositions
2. combination and sequencing of propositions
-local coherence relations
-coherence relations among complexes of clauses
-forms of argumentation
-global text structure (genre)

Presupposition -- "scale of presence" Absent_Presupposed___Backgrounded___Foregrounded
Assume there exist common ground texts, in which what is presupposed is explicitly present
Positioning the audience
"us"
particular importance in ideological analysis, ideologies typically embedded in implicit meaning of text (what we said about reading stuff from other political parties)
Clauses: wording, choice of conjunctions, connotations; emphasis on what's at the end of a sentence
In any Event, Patients (acted on)/Actors (do the acting)
"Nominalizations" processes that have been turned into noun-like terms which can themselves funtion as participants in other processes p112
Van Leeuwen 8 primary elements of a social practice: participants, activities, circumstances, tools/dress, eligibility criteria, performance indicators, and reactions of participants to one another p115

participant element, defining collectively/individually, by function, status or location, temporally, etc.

sequencing: main clauses foreground info, subordinate backgound it; ways of linking; create form and closure (120)

conjunctions: addition, contrastive, variations...
Halliday and Hasan 4 types of cohesion: conjunction, lexical cohesion, reference, and ellipsis

Monday, October 6, 2008

What is included and what is excluded -- BBC on Zardari and Kashmir

News outlets have to be selective. They can only devote their energy to presenting a certain amount of information, if they choose to hold it to a certain quality standard and want to respond quickly to new developments. But who chooses the stories, and on what basis? Alex spoke in class about an equation... using an incident's proximity and magnitude to gauge the amount of airtime/word count it deserves. These criteria provide a rough indication of the audience's supposed interest in the report. Naturally, you care more about something happening in your neighborhood-- which might impact YOUR daily life or the lives of people you know personally -- than about international conflicts, which are far removed from your experience. So, news outlets set priorities based on appeal to their audience.

To what extent SHOULD news outlets base their reports on their audience? Don't journalists have a responsibility to report news as objectively as possible?

There's been a lot of chatter in the international media about unrest in Kashmir of late, but very little of it has been picked up in our U.S. news outlets (I searched "Kashmir" on Google news and all of the most recent results were from other countries -- India, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, UK, Australia -- but then yesterday Bloomberg, AP, and Reuters put up some blurbs).

I decided to do my Fairclough analysis on a BBC World report about reactions to Pakistani President Zardari's recent statements on Kashmir.

International news outlets refer to "protesters," "terrorists," or "victims of state terror" in the Kashmir region, depending on whose position the news outlet favors (Pakistani government, Pakistani public, Indian government, U.S. government, etc.). You may remember that Zardari was one of the leaders with whom Governor Palin met in New York a week or so ago. Our government has kinda been frustrated with Pakistan for not letting us cross the border to hunt down terrorists (it came up in the Prez debate). Recently Zardari's govt has begun cracking down more on Islamic militants because of increased U.S. pressure. He issued a statement that his government is "committed to eliminating terrorism" (Daily News, Pakistan, 10/7/08) and called the separatists in Kashmir "terrorists."

See the article: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7654480.stm

(BTW, I am not at all as well-versed as I should be on developing world situations. There is just too much going on, and I don’t really understand it all. So, I’m sorry if I simplify things too much and don’t give the proper context for statements.)

News generally has some entertainment content to it, and this article is no exception. Even the title “Fury over Zardari Kashmir comment” has a gossipy flavour. The title posits an action and a reaction. Obviously there was a comment, and the comment was inflammatory enough to provoke a “furious” response. The reader thinks “ooooh, what did he say?” and “why were people furious?”

The subtitle further intrigues the reader: protesters “defied a curfew” to “denounce” President Zardari and “burn his effigy.” The positioning makes it seem that all the commotion is over one little comment, although we have not been told what the comment is, or why it has provoked a strong reaction.

What struck me about this article was that the subject matter is words and how they are used and media and the reactions they cause, which fits in exactly with the theme of our discussion.

How is the world represented in the article?

-Separatists against Indian rule in Pakistan are discussed in very positive language throughout. There is very much the impression that Zardari calling them “terrorists” is wrong, and even silly and outrageous.

-Article does not even affirm that Zardari said they were “terrorists,” only that he was reported to have said it in the Wall Street Journal. (calling credibility into question, not-so-subtle critique on U.S. media)

-Geelani "Zardari has made these remarks to please the Americans"

-Report It is the first time that a Pakistani leader's effigy has been burnt in Indian-administered Kashmir where anti-India protests have often been marked by pro-Pakistan slogans.” (so Zardari must have done something reeeeally stupid to suddently lose the support of a region that had been pro-Pakistan)

-Rehman [Zardari] has never called the legitimate aspirations of Kashmiris an expression of terrorism, nor has he undermined the sufferings of the Kashmiri people."

What identities are created?

-Individuals: Zardari, Geelani (prominent separatist “fighting for an end to Indian rule in Kashmir”), Rehman (spokesperson for Zardari’s Pakistan People’s Party (PPP))

-Collective identities: “Muslim protesters” (we assume these include regular people as well as would-be terrorists? It’s left very very vague WHO is protesting Zardari – the people he calls terrorists, or the people who live and get along with the “terrorists”

“Islamic militants” are they or aren’t they terrorists? Freedom fighters?

-“India” and “Pakistan” identities as nations

-Kashmir, identity disputed region

-Wall Street Journal – represents whole of U.S. media/government

-nominalizations

“Comment” is the number one nominalization!!! The article is all about what the comment has done. Others include “reaction”, “our democratic government”, “the country”, “suspicion”, and “relations.”

What relationships are posited?

-India and Pakistan in conflict with each other. “Pakistan has supported anti-Indian militants and fought two wars with India over Kashmir,” are at a “faltering peace” right now; India as a “threat to Pakistan’s existence”

-Muslim protesters against Zardari

-Zardari in league with American government/media

-American government and media are equivalent

What is excluded?

-Why was the curfew in place? (I think it was there because there was supposed to be a giant protest Monday and the government was trying to keep things under control)

-Why did Zardari refer to Islamic militants for independence as “terrorists”?

-What was the context of Zardari’s comment to the Wall Street Journal?

-What have the actions of the militants been? Have they engaged in acts we would call terrorism? (all we get is alleged “human rights abuses” – very vague)

Presuppositions

-That “terrorist” is really bad and should only be applied to certain types of groups. Protester, separatist, and militant are much more innocuous.

-People of the region would rather Zardari didn’t agree with America (don’t like America, don’t like America butting into their business)

-that Kashmiri wants Pakistan to support the freedom fighters

Friday, October 3, 2008

The VP Debate

So, I watched the debate. I don't really have time to discuss it right now... hopefully I'll come back to this on Sunday.

What I wanted to share was a NYTimes OpEd by Steven Pinker... I recognized the name as I scanned Google news. He is a Harvard professor in psychology who studies language and cognition. I knew of Pinker because he once made a remark that music is "evolutionary cheesecake," and that comment has been picked up by mainstream media and other academics...

Anyway, he wrote an editorial on the debate, and he talks about Sarah Palin's use of language and her accent much more eloquently than I ever could, and I thought y'all might be interested.

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/04/opinion/04pinker.html